Who said peace prosperity progress
Nevertheless, this indomitable, brilliant, raffish, never-say-die enchanter became the first Democratic president since Franklin Roosevelt to earn reelection. He used market forces to temper government so it could become a more effective force for progress going into the twenty-first century. Clinton injected a Democratic twist with his Family Leave Act, support for abortion rights, and push for diversity. While worrying about the materialistic excess this Baby Boomer boom triggered, he saw a broadly distributed prosperity as mass-producing the dignity and middle-class values that would unite a multicultural America as the exemplary mass middle-class nation.
It was not as tumultuous as George W. But it was unduly chaotic. Ultimately, Clinton shared responsibility for four disasters. Otherwise, the populists and the protectionists will win the argument between isolation and openness, between the particular and the universal, between an imaginary past and a prosperous future.
And they must not win. If globalization is to succeed, it must succeed for poor and rich alike. It must deliver rights no less than riches. It must provide social justice and equity no less than economic prosperity and enhanced communication. It must be harnessed to the cause, not of capital alone, but of development and prosperity for the poorest of the world. Political liberty must be seen, once and for all, as a necessary condition for lasting economic growth, even if not a sufficient one.
Democracy must be accepted as the midwife of development, and political and human rights must be recognized as key pillars in any architecture of economic progress. This is, undoubtedly, a tall order.
But it is one that must be met, if globalization is not to be recalled in years hence as simply an illusion of the power of trade over politics, and human riches over human rights. As the sole international organization with universal legitimacy and scope, the United Nations has an interest -- indeed an obligation -- to help secure the equitable and lasting success of globalization.
We have no magic bullet with which to secure this aim, no easy answers in our common effort to confront this challenge. But, we do know that the limitations on the ability of any state or any organization to affect the processes of globalization call for a global, concerted effort.
If this effort is to make a genuine difference, it is clear that the creation of lasting political institutions must form a first line of response. Such steps must, however, be combined with a clear and balanced acceptance of the roots of the precipitous collapse of so many economies.
To some extent, this collapse was rooted in the flaws and failures of economies characterized by unsound policies, corruption and illiberal politics. However, we must not be blind to the fact that irresponsible lending practices and aggressive investment policies pursued by outsiders played their part, too.
Without improvements in these practices, we cannot expect political reform to succeed in creating the basis for lasting economic growth. All sides matter; all sides must play a role. I have argued today that politics are at the root of globalization's difficulties, and that politics will be at the heart of any solutions. But, where will solutions be found? In the heyday of globalization, it was assumed that all nations, once secure in prosperity, would turn to multilateral institutions out of maturity.
Today, I believe, they may turn to those same institutions out of necessity. The challenge facing the United Nations and its sister institutions -- The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund -- is to ensure that the difficulties facing globalization do not become an. We must do this in two key ways: by emphasizing in all our development work, the importance of civil society and institutional structures of democracy at the national level; and by seeking to strengthen the effectiveness of multilateralism.
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